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On Substack, liberals find their answer to Musk’s X

Data shows the largest political voices on Substack overwhelmingly skew progressive.

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On Substack, liberals find their answer to Musk’s X

Ten years ago, Twitter was the go-to arena for Democratic strategists, elected officials, and a new class of liberal take-makers to blast out their thoughts on the news of the day, spark fierce debates, and shape the political news cycle. That changed dramatically in recent years with Elon Musk’s acquisition and rebranding of the platform as X. Now, the site formerly known as Twitter has devolved into a chaotic space that, by design, prioritizes Musk’s own posts and amplifies those of his conservative allies. The result: liberal thought leaders have fled the platform in droves.

Over the past two years, pundits have debated which new platform might reach critical mass and replace X as the essential hub for political discourse. Some pinned their hopes on Meta’s Threads—until company leadership made it clear that politics was unwelcome there. Others migrated to Bluesky, a haven for activist liberals where cancel culture is the defining feature. But more than two years after Musk’s takeover, none of the clones have managed to recapture what made the old Twitter unique: serving as the central stage for debate among political and media elites online.

In recent months, however, a winner appears to have emerged. Newsletter platform Substack is having a moment, fueled largely by an influx of liberal-leaning political and media figures eager to share their takes. Online pundits and anti-Trump resistance leaders like Heather Cox Richardson, Dan Pfeiffer, Simon Rosenberg, Norm Eisen, Steve Schmidt, and Mary Trump have built sizable audiences by weighing in on the news of the day. Democratic elected officials—including Gavin Newsom, Pete Buttigieg, and Chris Murphy—have launched their own publications on the platform, aiming to grow dedicated followings ahead of potential presidential bids.

Perhaps most notably for the media industry, mainstream journalists who have left legacy outlets are finding new freedom to share their political opinions more openly on Substack. Among them: Taylor Lorenz, Mehdi Hasan, Tara Palmeri, Jennifer Rubin, Don Lemon, Jim Acosta, Terry Moran, and Dan Rather.

Many of these figures are now reading and subscribing to each other’s newsletters, recommending content to their own audiences, and frequently linking to one another’s work. One Substack at a time, they’re building a new echo chamber of left-leaning or anti-Trump commentary.

“It is filling a void that exists between news reporting and outrage-based social media political commentary,” says Emily Amick, a best-selling political writer on the platform and creator of Emily in Your Phone. “There is a hunger amongst a certain part of the Democratic base for fact-based, reasoned political analysis.”

Substack’s growing influence—and its authors’ unmistakable lean to the left—is clearest on the company’s “bestsellers” list, which ranks publications by paid subscriber count. Of the 100 top-selling titles in the U.S. Politics category, 81 are left-leaning or progressive.

Unlike the Twitter of old, Substack offers significant financial incentives for writers who attract large audiences and deliver distinctive content. All of the writers charted above are earning between $100,000 and over $1 million in annual recurring revenue. A handful of them—such as Bari Weiss’s The Free Press, The Bulwark, and Meidas Touch—are pulling in several million dollars a year from subscriptions.

“[Substack] creates an interesting ecosystem and incentive structure,” Amick told me. “To get people to keep paying, you have to deliver a unique product.”

The company has staked its future on the monetization success of its biggest names, taking a 10 percent cut of every paid subscription. According to a report by independent journalist Eric Newcomer last week, that model has generated $45 million in annual revenue for Substack, from $450 million in gross paid subscriptions processed on the platform. 

It has also sought to capitalize on this momentum, participating in political and media industry events like the White House Correspondents Association Dinner weekend and aggressively recruiting major political voices to its platform. It is currently running digital ad campaigns across rival sites, spotlighting Trump-era political celebrities who now publish on the tool. They’ve even posted digital billboards in Washington’s Union Station. Former Trump fixer Michael Cohen, outspoken ex-Congressman Joe Walsh, and longtime CNN anchor Don Lemon are among the faces featured in a few of the company’s latest ads.

Whether Substack can sustain its momentum—or if it’s simply the latest stopover for Twitter refugees in search of an audience—remains an open question. The platform’s rapid growth has given liberal voices a new megaphone, but it has yet to prove it can weather the shifting social media environment that has upended other digital platforms before. For now, Substack stands as a key town square for a certain segment of the left, reshaping how political narratives are distributed, debated, and consumed. As the 2026 midterms approach and the next presidential cycle looms, I’ll be interested to see whether this new ecosystem will continue to grow, or if the next great migration is just around the corner.

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Democrats’ gerontocracy problem isn’t going away

Rep. Don Beyer (D-VA), a 75-year-old congressman representing Northern Virginia, announced Monday that he will seek re-election in 2026. The decision comes just weeks after the death of his colleague, Rep. Gerry Connolly (D-VA), who died in office at age 75, leaving Democrats without a crucial vote at this pivotal time. (By the way, Connolly apparently returned from the dead yesterday to tweet his support for his chosen successor.)

Beyer’s announcement is another reminder of the Democratic party’s “gerontocracy problem,” as elderly members continue to refuse to step aside. Eight Democratic members of Congress have died in office over the past two years, vividly illustrating the risks of relying on an aging caucus. With Democrats eyeing a possible return to the House majority next year, the party’s ability to block GOP priorities will likely hinge on the day-to-day health of a handful of its oldest members.

Still, Beyer’s camp appears gleefully unaware of any issue with him running again, framing his experience as an asset at a time of deep political polarization. Beyer is far from the only member of the House Democratic caucus refusing to hang up his hat and go hang out with his grandchildren.

My Congresswoman, Del. Eleanor Holmes Norton (D-DC), who at 88 years old is unable to carry out basic functions of her office, was offended when a reporter asked if she was running for reelection recently. “I’m gonna run, I don’t know why anyone would even ask me,” she told NBC News. Other elderly Democrats potentially running again next year but who haven’t announced their intentions are Maxine Waters (age 86), Steny Hoyer (85), Nancy Pelosi (85), Jim Clyburn (84), and Danny Davis (83).

WATCH: Bernie on Rogan

Sen. Bernie Sanders returned to The Joe Rogan Experience this week for his second appearance on the podcast—his first was back in 2019. The Vermont independent joined Rogan for a wide-ranging conversation covering economic inequality, the minimum wage, Trump’s handling of Iran, and other major issues.

You can catch the full episode below:

As I noted last week, when Bernie went on Rogan’s show back in 2019, Democrats attacked Sanders for promoting his appearance, accusing him of associating with someone who was homophobic and Islamophobic. Now, it seems like those critics look a little silly.

Mamdani-mania

Something big just happened in New York.

The Democratic primary for New York City mayor took place yesterday, and the first round results showed progressive state assembly member Zohran Mamdani with a decisive lead over disgraced former Gov. Andrew Cuomo. While the city’s ranked-choice tabulation won’t happen for another week, Mamdani’s lead was great enough to cause Cuomo to concede.

Throughout the campaign, the contest was cast as a clash between younger, more educated progressives in Brooklyn and Manhattan rallying behind Mamdani, and Cuomo’s base of lower propensity and working-class voters in the other boroughs. It turns out, Mamdani was able to compete everywhere, coupling creative progressive policy solutions with his own generational communications talent.

As someone who’s never lived in the city, I don’t have many thoughts on how New Yorkers choose to govern themselves. (Maybe do something about the rats?) But for those looking to dive deeper, a bunch of interesting analyses have been published in the past week or so—and more are sure to follow. Here are a few worth your time:

  • How the Zohran Mamdani campaign is changing influencer culture (Rolling Stone, 6/21)

  • The Incredibly Stupid, Self-Defeating Democratic Panic about Zohran Mamdani (Message Box, 6/24)

  • How Zohran Mamdani Used Free Merch to Power His Mayoral Campaign (GQ, 6/23)

More things you should read: 

One last thing: GOP Congressman trolls Vance

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